Friday, December 31, 2004
 

A terrible idea

Chris Bowers thinks that Democrats should abandon the "war on terrorism." He's right that framing the stuggle against radical Islamic fundamentalism in that way evokes conservative tropes, and is therefore in some respect detrimental to us if it is not in some way reframed, and he's surely right that the phrase itself is illogical in that it's impossible to actually wipe out "terrorism," which is a technique as old as the hills which can never be eliminated -- as long as there are asymmetrical conflicts, terrorism will be utilized.

But the problem is that "the war on terrorism" is an immensely evocative and intuitively understandable phrase, even though it doesn't make any literal sense at all. People hear it, and they know what it means, or think they do, and they're instinctively supportive of it. So unless you can come up with another way to frame the conflict which has the same power and apparent authority, it's both useless and foolhardy -- and politically dangerous to Democrats and liberals -- tilting at that particular windmill.

And even more than that, the reason that Chris is close to 180 degrees wrong about this, is that he isn't simply urging that we abandon the specific framing of the struggle, he's urging that we abandon the struggle itself, and that is a terrible idea on almost every level. It ignores the reality that there are indeed people out there who are bent on harming us both at home and away, that they're fairly well-organized, have a great deal of support from ordinary people in the Islamic world (or at least an unwillingness to step in and stop them), they've got money and manpower, and, overall, they've been pretty damn effective at achieving their immediate goals, if not their overall one. Their existence is not a conservative fairy tale (regardless that they've made them the boogey men of our age), they're real and they're dangerous to us.

The scale and the scope of the danger can certainly be discussed, and should be, and the most effective steps to be taken to protect ourselves as well (we can all agree that Bush's actions have had exactly the opposite effect), but it's ridiculous at this point in time, a mere three years after 9/11, to argue that there is no danger and that Democrats should deny the need for us to protect ourselves, a legitimate, and perhaps primary, function of the government.

Ridiculous and terribly, terribly dangerous politically, because an insistence on the Democrats taking such a position will not gain us one vote that we don't already have. It will also, inevitably, split the liberal/Democratic coalition (so carefully built up in opposition to Bush) right down the middle, destroying it and perhaps sinking the party for the foreseeable future.

I'm at a loss for why Chris, who wrote so well on the need for expanding that coalition, thinks this is a good idea. Where, I wonder, does he think that the people this new strategy is supposed to attract are going to come from? There's little or no indication that there's a signficant pacifist presence out there that isn't already aligned (loosely or not, it really doesn't matter so much when push comes to shove) with the center-left coalition. It's the same argument I hear from people who think that Kerry should have been presented himself as a forthright liberal and come out strongly against the war in Iraq: one of my correspondants feels that there are enough "moderate anti-war Republicans" that their defection away from Bush would have made a significant difference, but I just don't see it. (The rump of the moderate wing of the GOP is so stunted and so localized -- in the Northeast, primarily -- that it's silly to think that the small percentage of them who are anti-war would have made any difference at all, in either the popuilar vote or, more importantly, in the Electoral College.)

I understand, I believe, that Chris writes from a strong moral conviction, and that there is a great attraction for all liberals in taking an anti-war position. I hate to be so crass as to counter with strategic and tactical political considerations, but it's still true that his idea presents serious dangers to the party and the coalition, to the extent that if it becomes a strong meme within in and gathers momentum it can cause considerable damage even if (as is probably inevitable) it is never adopted. Internal conflict, and fracturing, is bound to result.

I have great regard for the folks at Daily Kos and MyDD who are hell-bent on using the power of the "netroots" to reform the Democratic party, but in doing so, they've taken a step from being mere citizens to being citizen/politicians. There's nothing wrong, and everything right, with that, but in becoming a politician, one has to start taking into consideration more factors than one's own personal views and preferences, because politics is the art of the possible and exists only within the realm of the possible. Once one loses sight of that, one is poised for failure -- not the failure of losing by 3 states, 3 million votes and 2.46%, but the failure of losing by 49 states, 18 million votes and 23.15% of the voters.

That we lost such an important election makes it inevitable, and necessary, that we shake up the party and make it better than it is, which is why I'm in favor of structural, operational, procedural and personnel reform [like this or this], but for Chris to propose an idea such as this one might make one think that the loss was a huge one, not in its importance (it was indeed huge in that sense), but in the margin of defeat. It was certainly not that kind of loss at all, it was a narrow victory for Bush at best. For that reason, we don't need sweeping philosophical changes, we just need to make the party work better.

Update (1/3): More on structural vs. ideological reform.

Update (1/6): Matthew Yglesias on why we're still endangered by Islamic fundamentalist terrorism.

Ed Fitzgerald | 12/31/2004 02:21:00 AM | | | del.icio.us | GO: TOP OF HOME PAGE







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